At least one person has died and several people have been injured after a hotel collapsed in the popular wine village of Kröv in western Germany overnight.

There were 14 people in the building at the time of the collapse, the spokesperson said.

While the building is still partially intact, it is moving by 4 millimeters (0.16 inches) an hour, so rescue operations are proving to be difficult.

Around 250 firefighters, paramedics, police and technical relief workers, including special forces, rescue dog teams and drone units, are on site.

This is a breaking story and will be updated.

A Nobel laureate known as the “banker to the poor” will aim to bring stability to Bangladesh after he answered a call by student protesters for him to temporarily lead the restive country following weeks of deadly anti-government demonstrations.

Muhammad Yunus, 84, will head an interim government following the toppling of the South Asian country’s prime minister and dissolution of parliament, according to the Bangladesh president’s press secretary.

Yunus is a social entrepreneur and banker who won the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize for his pioneering microfinance work that helped alleviate poverty in Bangladesh and was widely adopted around the world.

He is also a longtime critic of former prime minister Sheikh Hasina, who resigned earlier this week and fled the country following years of increasingly authoritarian rule.

Her departure brought jubilation to the student movement that forced her out – but also some trepidation over whether the military would step in to fill the leadership vacuum.

Who is Muhammad Yunus?

Yunus was born in 1940 in Chittagong, a port city in southeastern Bangladesh, according to his profile on the Nobel Prize website.

He studied at Dhaka University, before receiving the prestigious Fulbright scholarship to attend Vanderbilt University in the United States, where he received a Ph.D. in economics.

In 1972, a year after Bangladesh won independence from Pakistan, he returned to teach at Chittagong University.

But disaster soon struck. A severe famine swept the country in 1974, wiping out an estimated 1.5 million people.

“I found it difficult to teach elegant theories of economics in the university classroom, in the backdrop of a terrible famine in Bangladesh. Suddenly, I felt the emptiness of those theories in the face of crushing hunger and poverty,” Yunus said in his 2006 Nobel lecture after receiving the award.

“I wanted to do something immediate to help people around me, even if it was just one human being, to get through another day with a little more ease,” he said.

He began providing small loans out of pocket to the poorest residents in his community – eventually founding the Grameen Bank in 1983, which would become a world leader in alleviating poverty through microlending.

The bank quickly grew, with different branches and similar models now operating worldwide.

Yunus and the Grameen Bank were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2006, after lending a total of about $6 billion in housing, student and micro-enterprise loans, and specifically in support of Bangladeshi women.

He is also the founder of the Yunus Centre, a Dhaka-based think tank that helps develop new social businesses.

Some critics have cast a skeptical eye on Yunus and the Grameen Bank, arguing that some microlenders’ high interest rates had impoverished borrowers as the lenders made big profits from small loans.

Frictions with Hasina’s government

Over the years, Yunus has repeatedly gone head-to-head with former prime minister Hasina – who has accused him of “sucking blood from the poor,” according to Reuters.

Yunus briefly proposed forming a new political party in 2007 ahead of parliamentary elections – which Hasina decried at the time, saying political newcomers were “dangerous elements … to be viewed with suspicion,” Reuters reported.

Yunus ultimately did not move forward with forming the party.

In 2011, Bangladesh’s government-controlled central bank removed Yunus as managing director of Grameen Bank, saying he had exceeded the mandatory retirement age.

In the following years, Yunus was embroiled in multiple legal cases that his supporters said were the result of him being unfairly targeted by the authorities.

They include a defamation suit, a food safety case, and allegations of tax irregularities, which he denied.

In January, a court in Bangladesh sentenced Yunus to six months in prison for labor law violations – with the banker again denying any wrongdoing.

In a separate case, he was indicted in June on embezzlement charges.

Hasina’s government had insisted its actions against Yunus were not politically motivated, but the banker disagreed. It is not currently clear what will happen to those prosecutions now Hasina is out of power.

“I am not in the political field, there is no evidence that I am involved in politics,” Yunus said at the time, warning that Bangladesh was becoming a “self-destructing civilization.”

In a separate interview with Reuters in June, he said Bangladesh had turned into a “one-party” state, with the ruling party stamping out all political competition.

What comes next?

“People are celebrating on the street and millions and millions of people all over Bangladesh [are] celebrating as if this is our liberation day,” he said.

Addressing his message to the protest movement in Bangladesh, he added: “You have done a great job.”

But, experts say, Yunus faces a long and complicated road ahead as the government reforms itself.

His first challenge will be to re-establish law and order after the deadly protests of the past weeks, and to “address the trust deficit that exists in society” between the people and the state, said Mubashar Hasan, who studies Asian authoritarianism at the University of Oslo.

That includes deep public mistrust toward Bangladesh’s police, judiciary, and other state-run institutes, he said.

Another pressing task will be to declare free and fair elections – the lack of which is one reason Bangladesh was plunged into protests in the first place.

Yunus will also have to address the fallout from the past month, with Hasina’s government having cracked down with deadly force on the protesters with around 300 killed according to local media and agencies. Critics and human rights groups have accused authorities of using excessive violence, a charge the government denied at the time.

Now, the interim leader will likely face pressure to “start setting up some sort of judicial procedures that will address the gross human rights violation in the past few weeks and in the past decade,” Hasan said.

Niloy Biswas, a professor of international relations at the University of Dhaka, echoed this point – saying the government’s new leaders must “initiate investigations to ensure justice for hundreds of innocent people who have lost their lives.”

As the interim government moves forward, reforming Bangladesh’s economy will be a key task – where Yunus’ economic background could play a role. These reforms will be “vital” in combating corruption and helping the nation grow, Biswas said.

But he may face opposition in government, too – including from those who had supported Hasina, potentially including figures in the judiciary and law enforcement, Hasan said.

Like many nondescript hotels in provincial cities around the UK, the Holiday Inn Express in Rotherham has been used for years by the British government to house asylum seekers trapped in administrative limbo. There have been hostile protests here before. But none, residents say, like the spasm of hatred on Sunday when rioters set fire to the building as more than 200 people cowered inside.

“I lived through the (2011) London riots when I was a kid,” said a man who saw Sunday’s violence unfold from his living room. “I don’t even think they were this bad. We saw them trying to kill people yesterday,” said the resident – who, like many, wished to remain anonymous amid the fear stoked by the violence.

The Rotherham riot was one of more than a dozen protests that followed a stabbing attack that left three children dead in the northern English town of Southport a week ago. In the torrent of misinformation that flowed from the tragedy, outrage boiled over into racist violence.

The turmoil represents the first major challenge for Keir Starmer, Britain’s new prime minister, who now faces a summer of rumbling discontent.

In his former role of England’s chief prosecutor, Starmer presided over Britain’s last major wave of riots in London and elsewhere 13 years ago, allowing courts to sit for 24 hours and for judges to hand down longer, tougher sentences. Now, Starmer has fewer resources at his disposal: pared-back policing, gummed-up courts, a shortage of jail cells and more polarized politics.

The day after the unrest, the hotel is a ruin. The ground is strewn with broken glass and burnt-out bins. Some kids ride past on bikes out of curiosity: “Nowt happens here. We wanted to see what’s going on,” says one youngster. Differences of opinion swiftly become visible. Some locals chant from their windows as they drive by: “Get ’em out.” Others are more sympathetic. A mother drives past, points at the building and says to her children: “They came here to be safe, not to be tortured like that.”

The Rotherham riot was planned for days but has its roots in discontent that has fomented for much longer. For years, politicians have made increasingly strident promises to curb migration to the UK; for the most part, those promises have fallen short. Fringe voices have stepped into the breach, stoking fear over “out of control” immigration and amplifying fears that migrants are the source of all the problems experienced by Britons who struggle with rising living costs, poor housing conditions and a lack of skilled jobs.

Asylum seekers first came to the hotel in 2021, after the chaotic US military withdrawal from Afghanistan. Its rooms have since filled with refugees from all over the world. All were evacuated after Sunday’s violence, with reports that some were forced to sleep in the nearby woods after they fled in fear.

Ninzr said he had lived in the Rotherham hotel since he arrived, but was at another processing center when the riot broke out. He was planning to return to the hotel, but got a text from his friend inside. “They say to me, you go back now. My friend a video sent for me. Big problem. Fire,” he said in broken English. He collected his bag before heading back to another processing center in Birmingham.

‘I’ve never felt more scared’

Britain’s asylum system is in a mess. Ninzr is one of almost 100,000 people waiting for their claim for asylum to be processed. The cost of housing them has also ballooned. In a speech last month, the new finance minister Rachel Reeves claimed the previous government had overspent on the asylum system by more than £6.4 billion ($8.12 billion).

In Rotherham, a notorious grooming scandal casts a long shadow. Hundreds of girls were abused by gangs of south Asian men over decades, and when the exploitation was finally exposed, authorities were accused of failing to deal with it, in part, over fears they would be accused of racism. Eventually the gangs were busted, many of the perpetrators jailed, and systems were overhauled. But lingering suspicions mean that concerns about immigration often bubble to the surface.

But residents in the nearby estate all said residents had caused no major problems, other than “a bit of litter.”

“There’s all these claims on Facebook that they rape women,” said the man who lived through the London riots. “My wife walks our dogs late at night. No issues. They never cause any issues. They’ve come from war-torn countries, they’ve got nothing to do. They play football in the car park. They got excited last year when it snowed. They’d never seen snow before in their lives.

“These people – they’re not animals, they’re not savages, they’re not doing these things to people, they’re just people that are trying to get a better life.”

Another woman, walking her dog through the hotel parking lot, said she’d never had problems from the hotel residents.

“I’ve never felt more scared to live on the estate than I did yesterday – and that was from our own people. So I’d rather take 100 of them living in there, than I would people who did what they did yesterday, living next door to them,” said the woman, who also declined to give her name.

She said her brother-in-law, a police officer responding to the riot, was injured after someone threw a rock at his arm. “He didn’t leave straight away, so he was there for hours with a suspected broken arm trying to hold them off.” He spent the night in hospital and was diagnosed with a broken elbow.

Others, though, condemned the riots but were frustrated that the sentiments behind them had been allowed to foment. A man standing outside his house, which looks onto the hotel, remembered when the first Afghan families arrived in 2021.

“The community couldn’t do enough for them. They were amazing people. No trouble whatsoever. Then they just put whoever they wanted here,” he said.

He said he felt unfairly branded as “far right” for expressing a desire for the government to “fix” its asylum system. “In the 1970s, I was fighting against the National Front… so if I’m far right, go on, tell me,” he said.

A shrunken state

“Some of them were 14-year-old boys just chucking sticks at police. It was just like an opportunity to be mischievous,” said one 17-year-old, Elliott Nuttall, who saw the violence spread to his nearby village.

On Monday, he had been planning to meet up with a friend, an Indian boy whose family moved to the UK when he was five years old. “His mum said to him, ‘No, you’re not allowed to go out,’ because it’s obviously not a good time for it.”

“Knowing there was going to be a protest a good three or four days prior, knowing what was going on nationally, I can’t believe how underpoliced they were.”

Videos from Sunday show an initially light police presence as hundreds of far-right rioters hurled stones at the hotel’s windows, pushed a burning garbage bin into a broken doorway, and stormed the building.

Responding to the wave of violence will be a challenge for Britain’s shrunken state. Starmer has pledged that “far-right thugs” will feel the “full force of the law,” but that force has been sapped by years of slashed budgets as successive Conservative governments imposed “austerity” on public services in the UK in the fallout from the 2007-2008 financial crisis.

In a YouGov poll published late last year, fewer than half of people thought police were “doing a good job,” down from 77% four years earlier. Police numbers were cut drastically under the previous Conservative government, although had recently begun to be restored.

Britain’s court backlog has also swelled, particularly since the Covid-19 pandemic, making sentencing the convicted rioters more difficult. Jail space is also a problem: The new Labour government recently announced plans to release some prisoners early to free up space for new convicts.

Hundreds of people have been arrested following the riots, and on Tuesday a court in Sheffield, convicted the first of those arrested in relation to the violence at Rotherham, PA Media reported.

With more demonstrations planned for this week, do the residents near the Rotherham hotel fear more violence? “After seeing our community come out today, no,” said the man who lived through the London riots. “This community came out in numbers and looked after ourselves.”

“After seeing our community come out today, no,” said the man who lived through the London riots. “This community came out in numbers and looked after ourselves.”

Hamas announced Tuesday that its leader in Gaza, Yahya Sinwar, will replace Ismail Haniyeh as the head of its political bureau, it said in a statement.

The Hamas statement said that the movement announces “the selection of Commander Yahya Sinwar as head of the movement’s political bureau, succeeding the martyred leader Ismail Haniyeh, may God have mercy on him.”

Israel has publicly accused Sinwar of being the “mastermind” behind Hamas’ terror attack against Israel on October 7 – though experts say he is likely one of several – making him one of the key targets of its war in Gaza.

He has remained at large in the vast warren of tunnels trenched beneath Gaza, moving frequently and possibly surrounded by hostages as human shields, US officials believe.

Sinwar’s predecessor Haniyeh was assassinated in Tehran last week, raising fears that Israel’s conflict with Hamas and its allies could develop into a multi-front, fully-fledged war in the Middle East.

The Iranian government and Hamas say that Israel carried out the assassination. Israel has neither confirmed nor denied its involvement.

A longtime figure in the Islamist Palestinian group, Sinwar was responsible for building up Hamas’ military wing before forging important new ties with regional Arab powers as the group’s civilian and political leader.

He was elected to Hamas’ main decision-making body, the Politburo, in 2017 as the political leader of Hamas in Gaza branch. However, he has since become the Politburo’s de facto leader, according to research by the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR).

This is a developing story and will be updated.

Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah said his group will respond to Israel “regardless of the consequences” to avenge the assassination of the group’s top commander a week ago, but keeping Israelis waiting is “part of the punishment.”

“Their government, their army, their society, their settlements and their occupiers are all waiting,” Nasrallah said. Keeping Israel waiting is “part of the battle,” he added.

The monthslong, cross-border exchange of fire intensified Tuesday morning after Hezbollah launched a “swarm” of drones towards what it said are military targets in northern Israeli cities. The Israel Defense Forces said one drone was intercepted, and the incident left several people injured, including one man who was seriously wounded in the northern Israeli city of Nahariya.

Israel struck a building in southern Lebanon earlier killing five people. The Israeli military said the building was used by Hezbollah.

The region is bracing for an expected response from Hezbollah and Iran for the assassinations of Shukr and Hamas’ political leader Ismail Haniyeh, who was assassinated in Tehran last week.

Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and his Islamic Revolutionary Guard promised Israel a “painful” response for the killing of Haniyeh in Tehran.

On Monday, rockets fired towards Al-Asad Airbase in Iraq injured several US personnel in what Pentagon said was an attack by Iran-backed groups.

“We might all respond at the same time, or maybe it’s better in the [resistance] axis for each [group] to respond in the way that suits them and with the targets they choose,” Nasrallah said.

US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin ordered additional military assets to the region, sending a carrier strike group, a fighter squadron and additional warships to the Middle East.

Officials across the world have been conducting intensified shuttle diplomacy in an attempt to contain Iran’s response. The Jordanian foreign minister travelled to Iran this week in a rare visit aimed at deescalating the tensions and US Secretary of State Antony Blinken held calls with G7 foreign ministers to discuss an urgent need for de-escalation.

On Wednesday, foreign ministers representing Islamic countries, including Iran, will travel to Jeddah for an extraordinary meeting at the Organization of Islamic Cooperation to discuss the assassination of Haniyeh.

This is a developing story and will be updated.

Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich said “it may be just and moral” to starve 2 million Gaza residents until Israeli hostages are returned, but “no one in the world would let us.”

In a speech on Monday at the Katif Conference for National Responsibility in the town of Yad Binyamin, the far-right minister said Israel should take control of distributing aid inside Gaza and claimed that Hamas was in control of distribution channels within the strip.

“It is impossible in today’s global reality to wage war – no one in the world would let us starve and thirst two million citizens, even though it may be just and moral until they return our hostages,” he said, adding that if Israel controlled aid distribution instead of Hamas, the war would have ended by now and the hostages would have returned.

“You cannot fight Hamas with one hand and give them aid with the other. It’s his (Hamas’) money, it’s his fuel, it’s his civilian control of the Gaza Strip. It just doesn’t work,” he said.

Israel has control over aid that enters Gaza and aid groups are in charge of distributing it. While there have been some anecdotal reports from Gazans of Hamas stealing aid, it’s unclear how rampant it is. US Special Envoy David Satterfield said in February that no Israeli official had presented him or the Biden administration with “specific evidence of diversion or theft of assistance.”

Israel is facing mounting criticism from aid groups and international organizations for restricting food aid to the besieged Gaza Strip. A United Nations statement, citing independent experts, indicated last month that famine has spread across the entire enclave. The experts accused Israel of conducting an “intentional and targeted starvation campaign,” which they termed a “form of genocidal violence.”

The International Criminal Court’s prosecutor is seeking arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Yoav Gallant on charges of “starvation as a weapon of war,” among other allegations.

Netanyahu has strongly denied the allegations, saying they are based on a “pack of lies.” He has said that if Palestinians in Gaza aren’t getting enough food, “it’s not because Israel is blocking it, it’s because Hamas is stealing it.”

Israel has stated that it will not end the war until all hostages are freed and Hamas is eliminated. The conflict began after Hamas attacked Israel on October 7, killing around 1,200 people and taking more than 250 hostages, according to Israeli authorities. The war has resulted in the deaths of more than 39,000 people in Gaza, according to Palestinian authorities.

Smotrich on Monday advocated for Israeli control of the aid effort “as a part or as an essential means of realizing the defined goals of the war,” and said only minimal aid is needed in Gaza in the months and years to come.

“No one talks about (Israeli) military rule (of Gaza) now. No need to unclog sewers, no need for education, no need for welfare. Gaza in the next two years is (going to be) a war zone. You need food, some medicine and a minimum of sanitation – water, sewage. That’s it,” he said.

Every day for two months, Michael Ofer Ziv spent hours watching grainy, black-and-white footage of the Gaza Strip from a tiny room across the border.

As an operations commander, he was tracking Israeli forces inside Gaza and approving airstrikes.

Every day, he said, his unit had a certain quota to fill.

One by one, buildings blew up on his screen like a hypnotic reel of destruction.

At first, it was easy to forget that those images were real, and not just a video game playing on a screen. But the more he stepped out of that war room, the more he was exposed to the reality of those strikes.

One minute, he was looking at soundless footage of airstrikes he ordered; the next, he was on his phone watching unfiltered videos of Palestinians shrieking, carrying their loved ones who had been killed because of the Israeli military.

“This is happening in real life and has an actual effect on those people… at some point, your brain kind of cannot disconnect those two things anymore,” he said.

Once he connected those dots, there was no going back.

Like thousands of Israeli reservists, Ofer Ziv was called up to war following the Hamas-led attacks on Israel on October 7, in which at least 1,200 people were killed and more than 250 others taken hostage, Israeli authorities said. He knew the army had to respond but was concerned about what that response might look like because of how widespread the language of revenge was.

His concerns were soon validated, he said.

In May, he and 40 other reservists signed an open letter declaring they would refuse to serve Israel’s war in Gaza again after the IDF launched a military offensive in Rafah, southern Gaza, where many of the civilians displaced by the conflict had fled.

They readily acknowledge that they represent a tiny minority of reservists who oppose the war, but they hope that their decision to take a public stand will spark a debate in Israeli society and put pressure on the government to prioritize a ceasefire deal.

“If we are deciding to go into Rafah instead of making a deal, I felt like it was a statement of us saying we care more about killing Palestinians and destroying Gaza than we (do) about actually finishing this, actually having a long-term solution, actually releasing the hostages,” Ofer Ziv said.

His conscience just wouldn’t allow him to continue. He couldn’t fathom the colossal number of casualties inflicted upon Palestinian civilians.

“There is also a decision here to not be as careful as we can be, or even be careless and disregard human life,” he said.

“I can count on my hand the amount of times we were told we are not allowed to shoot at something… the main vibe was we shoot first, ask questions later,” he added.

“The IDF does not aim to inflict excessive damage to civilian infrastructure and strikes exclusively on the grounds of military necessity and in strict accordance with international law,” it said.

‘Going to a very bad place’

And while Ofer Ziv was watching Gaza’s destruction from behind a screen, Yuval Green was witnessing it happen in real life.

Green served as a combat medic in Gaza between October and December last year. But a day before he was recruited for reserve duty, he was planning on leaving the army, he says, objecting to its treatment of Palestinians and the occupation of the West Bank.

The October 7 attacks made him delay his decision for the sake of his comrades.

Green said he felt his role was to protect the civilians who had been attacked on October 7 and thought the Israeli military would go in and target Hamas. He didn’t expect it to go on for as long as it did.

Just like Ofer Ziv, he was concerned before the war began about where it might go, because of how “furious” Israelis were.

“Ideas like killing the entire population of Gaza suddenly became almost normal… suddenly hearing our commanders say that we’re not going to be merciful this time… I felt like we were going to a very bad place,” he said.

Green recalled the immeasurable level of destruction he observed. While some commanders would order the demolition of houses for military purposes, most times it was because “they want to ruin Palestinian houses and they think that’s the right thing to do,” he said.

“They don’t really care about the lives of Palestinians… we’ve inflicted so much damage upon Gaza, something that would be beyond the imagination of any reasonable person… I can’t imagine how people would go back to living there,” he continued.

The final blow for him was when his commander ordered their platoon to burn down a house in the city of Khan Younis, southern Gaza, that he was sure would be rehabilitated after the war.

“I was trying to understand the reasons for that, if there is any military reason… and the commander just didn’t have good enough answers,” he said.

The next day, he hopped into a vehicle making a supply run out of Gaza, and never came back.

‘Losing so much’

Reservists who refuse to serve again, like Ofer Ziv and Green, could face serious consequences.

Disobeying an order and refusing to serve is both a disciplinary and criminal offense, according to Israeli human rights lawyer Michael Sfard.

In normal circumstances, reservists are not called up for more than a month at a time, so they are usually not tried consecutive times, he added.

“What it really boils down to is who your commander is and how they will react to your decision,” Sfard, who is a former refuser himself, said.

“There is a very delicate balance here between two interests the army has. One is, punish severely those who refuse to serve to deter others from doing the same. The other is not to give too much publicity to those who are not ready to serve, because then it causes others to follow them too.”

Despite the risks, both Green and Ofer Ziv are committed to their decision.

Green lamented the way Israel’s military culture has dominated the public sphere, making anyone who criticizes the war or refuses to serve be viewed as a traitor.

Those in his platoon have heard him speak out against the war and the military’s conduct since he’s left Gaza. Some respect his opinion, even if they disagree with it. Others have said he is “darkening their names,” he said.

“I felt this was a really stupid idea. How can I harm your names by saying the truth? You harmed your name yourself by doing the type of things that were done there,” he said.

Even though he risked his life in Gaza, he is dumbfounded by the fact that his friends and family are more concerned about his safety now he’s spoken out than they were back then.

“We could end the war today. Israel as the stronger player… could choose to do it and is choosing not to for several reasons… we’re losing so much, the Palestinians are losing so much, for every minute it’s not being signed,” he said.

Similarly, Ofer Ziv thinks bringing the issue of refusing military service into the public debate might “wake people up” and let them know that it’s an option not to participate.

“We have so many systems that are built so we won’t have to question the position we are in… I do prefer to go to jail than to participate in what we’re doing in Gaza, but I prefer to do neither if it’s possible.”

Inside Bangladesh it’s being dubbed a Gen Z revolution – a protest movement that pitted mostly young student demonstrators against a 76-year-old leader who had dominated her nation for decades and turned increasingly authoritarian in recent years.

There was jubilation on the streets of the Bangladeshi capital Dhaka on Monday after Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigned and fled the country by helicopter following weeks of deadly anti-government unrest.

Hasina’s abrupt exit ends 15 years in power that has been marked by a stifling of civil freedoms and the heavy-handed use of security forces to crush dissent, critics and rights groups say.

In a national address, Bangladesh’s army chief Gen. Waker-uz-Zaman said the military would form an interim government, but student protest leaders have called for Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus to lead a temporary administration.

What began as peaceful protests by students against civil service job quotas morphed into a nationwide push to force Hasina out after demonstrators were met with a government crackdown that killed about 300 people, according to local media and agencies.

Hasina blamed the opposition for the violence and imposed internet blocks and an indefinite curfew across the country.

Her response inflamed the protesters further and, in the end, the world’s longest-serving female head of government had to quickly flee the country with her sister to India before crowds stormed her official residence, smashing walls and looting its contents.

Why were Bangladeshis on the streets?

Students began protesting on July 1 at the prestigious Dhaka University demanding an end to the government’s quota system, which reserves 30% of civil service posts for relatives of veterans who fought in Bangladesh’s war of independence from Pakistan in 1971.

Many of the country’s contemporary political elite are related to that generation – including Hasina, a daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the widely regarded founder of modern Bangladesh who was assassinated in 1975.

The reserved roles were linked to job security and higher pay, and protesters said the quota system is discriminatory and favors supporters of Hasina’s ruling Awami League party.

Driving the anger was high unemployment levels in the country, especially among young people. Bangladesh has seen strong economic growth under Hasina, but it slowed in the post-pandemic era and is beset with high inflation and depleted foreign currency reserves. In a nation of 170 million people, more than 30 million are not in work or education.

The protests turned violent on July 15 and the government’s increasingly deadly response fueled their anger further, even after the Supreme Court rolled back most of the controversial quotas on government jobs and internet blocks were lifted.

On Sunday, at least 91 people were killed and hundreds injured in clashes between police and protesters, the highest for a single day from any protests in the country’s recent history.

‘Blood in front of my university’

“Things turned ugly really quickly,” said Raiyan Aftab, 23, a student at BRAC University, who said police shot at protesters outside the campus. “They shot everybody. There is blood in front of my university right now. There’s like 30 bodies… I couldn’t sleep all night.”

Students and protesters at Dhaka University Campus and the Shaheed Minar, a national monument in the capital, were beaten by police as they assembled at these locations.

“I went to Shaheed Minar with my friends to celebrate. It was epic. There’s like thousands of people there, everybody went, regardless of class, heritage, religion, we’re all together and all the students met up with flags and everything. It was a historic moment,” said Aftab. “But it was short lived.”

Meanwhile, images appeared online of young people guarding Hindu temples as misinformation swirled online and a mob attacked a temple, according to the director of the Meherpur ISKCON temple.

Hasina’s legacy

The demonstrations became the ultimate challenge to Hasina since she secured a fourth consecutive term in January elections, which were boycotted by the main opposition party to protest what they said was a widespread crackdown on their ranks.

On Tuesday, Bangladesh President Mohammed Shahabuddin announced the release of opposition leader and former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia – a longtime Hasina rival – who had been jailed in 2018 on graft charges which she denies. Other student protesters and those arrested on “false cases,” were also released, the president said.

Hasina’s political career spanned decades since returning from exile in the early 1980s following the assassination of her father and most of her family. In 1990 she led a popular democratic uprising against military rule and has survived several assassination attempts in the years since.

She first became prime minister in 1996 and served for one term before returning to power in 2008, ruling Bangladesh with her Awami League party until Monday.

Human rights organizations have warned that Hasina and her government were headed toward a one-party system, and critics expressed concerns over increased reports of political violence, voter intimidation, and harassment of the media and opposition figures.

During her time in power, rights groups say the government has used its cyber security law to crack down on freedom of expression online, arresting journalists, artists and activists, with reported cases of arbitrary detention and torture.

But Hasina had managed to weather many previous protests against her rule that erupted particularly during elections, so her resignation after five weeks of unrest was seen as sudden and unexpected.

Young people, who witnessed their peers shot and killed, fueled by dismal job prospects and who were tired of corruption and repression, could not be stopped by curfews, internet blocks or security forces.

“This might very well be the first successful Gen Z led revolution,” said Sabrina Karim, associate professor of government at Cornell University, who specializes in the study of political violence.

The military may have also played a role in Hasina’s resignation. Karim said in a statement that it “appears that the military were not always a unified force backing the Hasina regime.”

“While there are many photos and videos circulating of soldiers using deadly force and shooting at unarmed protesters, some members of the military called for an independent UN-led investigation into these atrocities,” she said. “In addition, some members of the military announced yesterday that they would not use deadly force on protesters who convened on the capital.”

What comes next?

On Tuesday, Bangladesh awaited the formation of the interim government and protest organizers with the Students Against Discrimination said they will meet with Bangladesh’s army chief.

Student leader Muhammad Nahid Islam said they hadn’t met all of their goals, and after Hasina’s resignation, the group wanted to “abolish fascist systems forever.” The leaders say they won’t accept a military-led or supported government.

The protest group say the interim government should be led by Yunus, a social entrepreneur and banker who won the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize for his pioneering microfinance work that helped alleviate poverty in Bangladesh.

“People are celebrating on the street and millions and millions of people all over Bangladesh [are] celebrating as if this is our liberation day,” he said.

While Hasina’s resignation was celebrated, some Bangladeshis expressed trepidation over the path ahead as the country attempts to fill a leadership vacuum.

Protester Aftab was wary of the military holding on to power.

“We have to remember the last 15 years, the army didn’t do anything. They protected this regime so they can’t just come into power and become good guys. We know who they are and what they’re going to do,” he said.

Prek Takeo, Cambodia — Cambodia broke ground Monday on a controversial, China-funded canal to link the capital Phnom Penh to the sea, despite environmental concerns and the risk of straining ties with neighboring Vietnam.

The $1.7 billion, 180-kilometer (111 miles) Funan Techo canal is planned to connect the country’s capital with Kep province on Cambodia’s south coast, giving it access to the Gulf of Thailand.

Cambodia hopes the 100-meter (328 feet)-wide, 5.4-meter (17.7 feet)-deep canal will lower the cost of shipping goods to the country’s sole deep-sea port, Sihanoukville, and reduce reliance on Vietnamese ports.

The project highlights the outsized role that China plays in Cambodian politics and economy. Meanwhile, concerns remain about the potential environmental impacts of the canal, especially on the flow of the Mekong River, which feeds millions of people across six countries through its fish and the agriculture that it sustains.

The project has Vietnam worried, both about the effect on its Mekong Delta rice-growing and about Cambodia moving out of its orbit, said Nguyen Khac Giang, an analyst at Singapore’s ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute.

“There is a concern that most of the Cambodian exports might be diverted from the current route, crossing the Vietnamese border to Vietnamese ports and moving away from that to Cambodian ports,” he said.

But Hanoi has expressed its concerns quietly, if at all, Giang said. Given the “complex historical legacy” between Cambodia and Vietnam — despite strong bilateral ties, the two nations have a contentious relationship — Vietnam is reticent to openly criticize Cambodia lest it be seen as impinging on its neighbor’s sovereignty, he said.

Analysts say that the infrastructure project is in part an effort by Cambodia’s ruling elite to invigorate support for Hun Manet, who last year took over the wheel of government from his father, Hun Sen, who led Cambodia for 38 years.

The government declared Monday — also Hun Sen’s birthday — a holiday so Cambodians could participate in the “celebration in a joyful, crowded and proud manner.” Thousands of people wearing t-shirts with photographs of the father and son began gathering at the canal site, that was covered in Cambodian flags. Billboards promoting the economic benefits of the canal dominated the countryside.

The canal will promote “national prestige, the territorial integrity and the development of Cambodia,” Manet said, adding that the country had built bigger and more expensive infrastructure projects before. But this “historic” canal was different and had nationwide support, he said.

“We will build this canal, no matter the cost,” he said.

He emphasized that while the canal would be jointly built by Chinese and Cambodian companies, the latter would have a 51% majority share and thus maintain control. Deputy Prime Minister Sun Chanthol confirmed that the Chinese state-owned construction giant China Road and Bridge Corporation had landed the contract to build the canal.

The US-based nonprofit Stimson Center has warned that the canal would cause “significant transboundary impacts to water availability and agricultural production in Vietnam’s Mekong Delta.” The region is where 90% of rice exported from Vietnam is grown.

The Cambodian government has dismissed these concerns.

Earlier in April, Vietnam had asked Cambodia to share information about the canal. “We have asked Cambodia to collaborate closely with Vietnam and the Mekong River Commission in sharing information and assessing the project’s impacts on water resources and ecosystem in the Mekong Delta region.”

Cambodia is a key Chinese diplomatic partner, helping dampen criticism of Beijing within the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations, several of whose members, including Vietnam, are engaged in territorial disputes with China in the South China Sea.

China’s outsized presence can be seen in the numerous Chinese-funded projects, hotels and casinos dotting the Cambodian landscape. China’s state banks have financed airports, roads and other infrastructure built with Chinese loans. Nearly 40% of Cambodia’s over $11 billion in foreign debt is owed to China.

In June 2022, China and Cambodia broke ground on a naval port expansion project that has raised concerns from the U.S. and others that it could give Beijing a strategically important military outpost on the Gulf of Thailand. Hun Sen in 2019 reportedly granted China the right to set up a military base at the Ream Naval Base. He has long denied that, saying Cambodia’s Constitution prohibits foreign military facilities.

Jayapura, Indonesia — Gunmen stormed a helicopter and killed its New Zealand pilot shortly after it landed in Indonesia’s restive Papua region on Monday, and they released two health workers and two children it was carrying, police said.

Glen Malcolm Conning, a pilot for Indonesian aviation company PT Intan Angkasa Air Service, was shot to death by gunmen allegedly with the West Papua Liberation Army, the armed wing of the Free Papua Movement, after landing in Alama, a remote village in Mimika district of Central Papua province, said Faizal Ramadhani, a National Police member who heads the joint security peace force in Papua.

He said the gunmen released the Indigenous Papuan passengers and set fire to the plane.

“All passengers were safe because they were local residents of Alama village,” said Ramadhani, adding that the village is in a mountainous district which can be reached only by helicopter. A joint security force was deployed to search for the attackers, who ran into the dense jungle.

West Papua Liberation Army spokesperson Sebby Sambom told The Associated Press that he had not received any reports from fighters on the ground about the killing.

“But, if that happens, it was his own fault for entering our forbidden territory,” Sambom said. “We have released warnings several times that the area is under our restricted zone, an armed conflict area that is prohibited for any civilian aircraft to land.”

Sambom called on Indonesian authorities to stop all development in Papua until the government is willing to negotiate with the rebels, and “if anyone disobeys, they must bear the risk themselves.”

New Zealand’s foreign ministry said in a statement that it was aware of reports of the death and the country’s embassy in Jakarta was seeking information from authorities. A spokesperson could not confirm any details.

Conflicts between Indigenous Papuans and Indonesian security forces are common in the impoverished Papua region, a former Dutch colony in the western part of New Guinea that is ethnically and culturally distinct from much of Indonesia. Conflict has spiked in the past year, with dozens of rebels, security forces and civilians killed.

Monday’s killing was the latest violence against New Zealand nationals in the Papua region.

In February 2023, Egianus Kogoya, a regional commander in the Free Papua Movement, abducted Philip Mark Mehrtens, a pilot from Christchurch who was working for Indonesian aviation company Susi Air.

Kogoya and his troops stormed a single-engine plane shortly after it landed on a small runway in a mountainous village. Planning to use the pilot to negotiate, Kogoya has said they won’t release Mehrtens unless Indonesia frees Papua as a sovereign country.

In 2020, seven employees of PT Freeport Indonesia, including a New Zealand miner, Graeme Thomas Wall from Ngaruawahia, were attcked by gunmen in a parking area in Tembagapura mining town. Wall was shot in his chest and died.

Papua was incorporated into Indonesia in 1969 after a U.N.-sponsored ballot that was widely seen as a sham. Since then, a low-level insurgency has simmered in the mineral-rich region, which is divided into six provinces.

Flying is the only practical way of accessing many areas in the mountainous easternmost provinces of Papua and West Papua.